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esc  Eccte 


'3  fc  • 


THE  NEGRO 


WORKER 


Vol.  3,  F  6, 


April  15,  1950 


Contents 

Payees 

I,  H. HAYWOOD  -  Forward  to  the  London  Conference  of  Negro 


Toilers  . . .  I. 

O 

2.  J.REED  -  Native  Railwaymen* s  Strike  in  East  London, 

South  Africa  ...............  3. 

3.  L. BURNS  -  Defend  the  Meerut  Prisoners  .......  5. 


4.  From;  "RUSSIA  TODAY"  -  Religion  under  the  Soviets  .  .  7. 

•5v  "  "  -  The  New  Life  of  a  Mongolian  Na¬ 
tional  Minority  in  the  USSR  ...  8. 

i 

Ja.  G.  SLAVIK  -  Book  Review  ...............  9. 


G.  PADMORE 
1  in  charge  of  Editing. 

n  i(  ii  nnnnnitHtt  it  ti  it  w  h  »  w  h  h  a  *  u  b  i»  ii  unit  wbwhnhnii  m  »i  ii  m  m  it  * 

NOTICE  TO  OUR  READERS;  We  beg  all  our  readers  to  aeknow  ", 

ledge  the  receipt  of  the  "NEGRO  « 
WORKER"  in  order  to  ensure  future  ” 
issues.  Editors  are  request  to  reprint  articles ,resolu~  " 
r  „  *  m mtokti  xffa*  nn.  mm*  r., .. «. « « «" 

Adreas  all  correspondence  to;  Mosoow  II,  Solyanka  12,  Profintern. 


A 


(ifemm  of  <Mi~  3bmfofM  J&tuma&; 

cfhxMu-  Unden,  the*  Bamen,  of  the  JhcL 
drvtenmzionat  tf  &dor  Unums  ! 

FORWARD  TO  THE  LONDON  INTERNATIONAL  CONFERENCE 
UF  NEGRO  TOILERS 1 


On  July  1st  in  London  will  be  convened  the  first  International  Con¬ 
ference  of  negro  toilers  The  Conference  will  meet  in  a  historic  moment 
in  the  development  of  Negro  liberation  struggles,  In  a  period  of  rising 
mass  struggles  of  Negro  toilers  in  all  parts  of  the  world  against  the 
brutal  yoke  of  imperialist  oppression. 

The  millions  of  downtrodden  and  inhumanly  oppressed  Negro  toilers 
in  both  Africa  and  the  Americas  have  been  definitely  drawn  into  the  mael¬ 
strom  of  revolutionary  ferment  at  present  embracing  the  toiling  messes 
of  all  countries  and  which  is  manifested  with  particular  sharpness  in  the 
colonies 

In  Africa  this  period  has  been  accompanied  by  a  series  of  mass  re¬ 
volts  breaking  out  in 'Congo,  Nigeria,,  Lower  Sudan,  the  strike  of  the  mi¬ 
litant  workers  in  Gambia  the  tremendous  upsurge  of  revolutionary  natio¬ 
nal  and  class  struggles  in  South  Africa,  revealed  in  the  growing  strike 
wave  among  the  Ilegro  workers,  mass  political  demonstrations,  revolutiona¬ 
ry  violation  of  slave  laws  imposed  by  the  government  of  arch  reactionary 
Boers  and  British  imperialists  and  in  the  development  of  widespread  re¬ 
volutionary  boycott  movement  In  the  7est  Indies  we  witnessed  the  heroio 
uprising  of  the  toilers  and  students  of  Haiti  against  the  predatory  polioy 
of  American  imperialism,  strikes  in  Martinique,  Porte  Rico  and  Cuba  In 
the  USA  is  to  be  noted  an  increased  political  awakening  of  Negro  toilers 
as  manifested  in  their  active  participation  In  economic  strikes  and  poll-  j 
tical  demonstrations  along  with  the  white  vorkers,  the  Lnflux  of  Negro 
'workers  into  the  revolutionary  trade  unions,  etc.  The  Negro  toilers  goa¬ 
ded  to  desperation  by  the  increased  encroachments  of  the  imperialists 
upon  their  already  unbearable  condl  tions  are  everywhere  rising  in  revo- 
lutionaty  struggle 

Such  is  the  general  environment  in  which  the  London  Conference  will 
take  place, 

I.  Of  tremendous  importance  at  the  present  time  is  the  question  of 
leadership,  i  e  8  conscious  direction  of  these  struggles  Tho  struggles 
of  the  Negro  toilers  are  in  the  main  of  a  spontaneous  and  unorganised 
character.  In  many  eases  the  Negro  movement  is  in  the  hands  of  the  re¬ 
formists  who  betray  the  masses  at  every  step  The  Conference  must  lay  the 
bases  for  the  formation  of  an  international  fighting  organisation  capable 
of  organising,  uniting  and  conducting  the  struggles  of  the  Negro  toilers 
in  all  parts  of  the  world  against  imperialism, 

2e  Of  paramount  Importance  is  the  question  of  linking  up  the  strug¬ 
gles  of  the  Negro  tollers  with  those  of  the  toilers  of  ether  nationalities 
and  raoes  At  the  present  time  the  struggles  of  the  Negro  tollers  are 
taking  place  in  the  main  outside  of  tne  influence  of  and  with  little  or 
no  connection  wi  th  the  international  revolutionary  labour  movement  In 
this  manner  the  Negro  workers  are  deprived  of  the  assistance  of  the  more 
advanced  and  experienced  workers  of  Europe  and  America  The  Negro  workers 
must  become  conscious  of  the  fact  that  their  struggles  are  not  the  strug¬ 
gles  of  the  Negroes  alone,  but  that  they  are  an  integral  part  of  the  revo¬ 
lutionary  upsurge  of  the  toiling  masses  of  all  nation  iking  place  in 
the  present  period  as  a  result  of  the  ever  deepening  cusls  of  world  ca¬ 
pitalism  and  the  consequent  efforts  of  the  imperialists  to  place  the  main 
burden  of  the  crisis  upon  the  toilers  in  general  The  struggles  of  the 
Negro  masses  are  therefore  inseparably  connected  with  the  deepening  revo¬ 
lutionary  ferment  among  the  Indian  toilers  as  manifested  in  recent  strikes 
of  the  Indian  textile  and  railroad  workers,  the  tremendous  revival  of  the 


—  ■:**>  v 


-  ?!  - 


Chinese  Revolution,  the  heroic  revolt  of  the  Arabian  masses  in  Palestine 
and  finally,  with  the  growing  revolutionary  offensive  of  the  toilers  in 
the  advanced  capitalist  countries  of  Europe  and  America.  All  of  tnese. 
struggles  are  directed  against  the  common  foe-  imperialism.  It  is  obvious 
that  the  struggles  of  the  Negro  toilers  cannot  be  effective  they  cannot 
achieve  the  maximum  results  unless  consciously  linkec  up  with  ^hose  of 
the  toilers  of  other  nations.  The  united  front  of  imperialist  reaction  must 
be  opnosed  by  the  united  front  of  revolutionary  struggles.  Therefore, 
one  of  the  chief  tasks  of  the  conference  must  be  the  working  out  of  mea¬ 
sures  for  concerted  action  of  Negro  toilers  with  the  oppressed  and  ex 

ploited  toilers  of  other  rsces  and  nations. 

3  >jhe  Conference  must  devote  particular  attention  to  the 
struggles  of  the  Negro  toilers.  It  must  work  out  plans  for  the 
tion  of  these  struggles.  It  must  wrest  the  leadership  of  these 
from  the  reformists  whose  role  is  to  conduct  them  into  channels 


economic 

coordina- 

s  trilogies 
of 


legality  and' agreement  wi  th  the  bosses,  -‘•he  reformist  slogan  of  industrial 
peace  must  be  opposed  by  the  slogan  of  revolutionary  struggle  for  better 

living  conditions,  against  rationalisation  and  speed-up^against^unmploy- 

raent  and  mass  lockouts ,  for 


increased  wages  and  the  shortening  of  the 


for  equal  work  regardless  of  race,  nation 


working  day,  for  equal  pay  -w,  - - ^  -  -  . 

or  sex.  These  struggles  must  be  linked  up  with  the  struggle  against  1 
forms  of  political  oppression  and  against  all  forms  of  s~eve  exploitation 
such  as  'forced  labour,  neontge ,  etc.  The  Conference  must  v/ork  out  defi¬ 
nite  plans  for  the  connecting  of  the  struggles  of  the  workers  up  with 

those  of  the  revolutionary  peasantry. 

The  struggles  of  the  Negro  masses  cannot  be  conducted  properly 
as  lone-  «s  the C  Negro  toilers  remain  in  their  present  unorganised  state. 

In  all  countries  they  are  in  the  main  unorganised  and  therefore  at  the  ■ 
mercy  of  their  exploiters.  A  large  percentage  of  the  few  unions 
workers'  organisations  existing  among  them,  are  in  the  hands  oi  reformist 
of  imperialism.  Therefore,  the  Conference  must  seriously  appro- 
question  of  the  organisation  of  revolutionary  trade  unions,  and 
orgeni sa tions  amonj  the  Negro  toilers  and  .the  organisational 
of  the*  e  up  with  similar  organisations  of  workers  and  peasants 
nations.  The  carrying  out  of  this  task  is  at  the  same  time  an 


lackeys 
ach  the 
peasant 
linking 
of  other 


towards  consistent  leadership  of  the  Negro  liberation 


devote  serious  attention 


to  the  question  of 
national  reformism  among  the  Negro  toilers, 
the  imperialist  countries  by  the  Social-De- 
the  British  labour  Party  end  its  "Left"  shield 
as  well  as  the  Amsterdam  International 


its  counterpart  in  Negro  reformism,  which  latter 
greatest  obstacles  in  the  development  of  the  Negro 


Negroes  in  all  countries  are  those 


essential  step 
struggles. 

4.  The  Conference  must 
combatting  the  influence  of 
Reformism  as  represented  in 
mocratic  parties,  including 
the  Independent  Labour  Party  ; 

A.F.  of  L. ,  etc ,  has 
presents  one  of  the 
liberation  struggle. 

The  carriers  of  reformism  among  - —  -  ,  .  , 

sections  of  the  Negro  middle  classes  and  intelligentsia  who  corrupted 
by  imperialist  bribes  and  frightened  by  the  growing  militancy  and  class 
consciousness  of  the  Negro  workers  have  deserted  the  Negro  liberation 
struggles.  In  this  connection  suf  ice  it  to  mention  the  ease  treachery 
of  Ka deli  who  sold  out  the  Industrial  Commercial  Union  of  the  natwre 
toilers  of  South  Africa  to  the  imperialists  and  the  destardly  betrayal 
of  the  union  of  -Sleeping  Car  Porters  in  the  United  States  by  Randolph, 

However,  the  mosi  subtile  and  therefore  the.  most  dangerous  oype 
of  reformism  is  Garveyism.  Garveyism  utilises  the  feelings  of  mutual 
sympathy  which  exist  between  Negro  toilers  in  all  parts  of  the  world  .y 
virtue  of  their  common  exploitation  and  oppression,  not  in  the  interest 


-  3  - 

to  the  Negro  toilers,  but  for  the  purpose  of  promoting  reactionary  uto¬ 
pias  of  the  Negro  bourgeoisie.  "Back  to  Africa"  means  the  substitution 
of  revolutionary  struggles  of  the  Ne groat  all  over  the  world  by  the 
utopian  illusion  of  a  "peaceful  return  to  Africa"  and  the  establishment 
of  a  "free"  Negro  nation  under  imperialism.  The  continued  rise  of  the 
Negro  liberation  movement  will  serve  to  drive  the  representatives  of  the 
above  tendencies  more  and  more  into  the  camp  of  reaction  and  against  the 
Negro  masses.  The  Conference  must  carry  out  the  relentless  exposure  of 
these  elements.  Only,  the  Negro  workers  in  cooperation  and  alliance  with 
the  workers  of  other  nations  and  races  can  furnish  consistent  revolutio¬ 
nary  leadership  to  the  struggles  of  the  Negro  masses  for  immediate  de¬ 
mands  and  for  final  liberation. 

5.  The  question  of  the  war  danger  and  the  defence  of  the 
Soviet  Union  assumes  particular  importance  in  the  present  period.  The 
deepening  world  crisis  sharpens  the  danger  of  war  among  the  imperialist 
powers  and  particularly  against  the  Soviet  Union  the  fatherland  of  the 
world's  exploited  and  oppressed. 

War  to  the  Negroe  masses  can  only  mean  the  tightening  of  the 
shackles  of  imperialism  upon  them. 

Therefore,  the  Conference  must  give  serious  attention  to  this 
question.  It  must  lay  the  basis  for  the  widest  propaganda  among  the 
Negro  toilers  directed  towards  exposing  the  sinister  war  plans  of  the 
imperialists. 

The  present  period  is  one  of  tremendous  historic  importance 
for  the  Negro  masses  all  over  the  world.  Therefore,  the  London  Conferen¬ 
ce  must  mark  a  new  era  in  the  development  of  Negro  liberation  struggles. 
The  Negro  workers  must  give  the  fullest  support  to  this  conference . All 
proletarian  organisations,  trade  unions,  shop  groups  and  committees, 
must  immediately  select  delegates  to  participate  in  this  historic  event. 
All  sympathetic  organisations  should  send  their  fraternal  delegates. 

Negro  workers  forward  to  the  London  Conference  ! 


For  further  information  regarding  the  International  Negro  Labor  Conference 
apply  to  : 

James  V/.  Ford,  Chairman. 

Beatrice  Arskind,  Secretary. 

International  Committee  of  Negro  Workers. 

2  West  15th.  st.  New  York  City,  USA. 

- ooOOoo - 

nBHTRBmmrcmmusT  rmwnhu- 

5HTI0N,  FOR  THE  2-HOUR  WORK  DRY ! 

NATIVE  RAILWAYMAN’S  STRIKE  IN  EAST  LONDON,  SOUTH  AFRICA  . 

————  —  —  —  —  —  —  —  — —  ————  —  —  — —  — -r— -  — —  — —  — —  — 

Last  January  a  strike  broke  out  among  the  native  railwaymen 
and  dockers  of  East  London,  one  of  the  ports  in  South  Africa.  Although 
it  was  a  purely  local  strike  which  lasted  two  weexa ,  the  men  being  de¬ 
feated,  it  was  significant  for  it  pointed  to  the  growing  class  strugg¬ 
le  in  South  Africa,  the  radicalisation  of  the  native  working  masses  and 
the  widening  gulf  between  them  and  the  opportunist  leadership  who  still 
control  the  native  TU  movement. 

Briefly,  the  history  of  the  strike  was  as  follows:  the  natives 
employed  in  the  port  and  on  the  railroad  receive  only  three  shillings 
a  day  although  most  of  them  have  seen  many  years  service.  The  Indepen¬ 
dent  Union  of  Commercial  and  Industrial  Employees,  which  enrolls  these 


4 


workers, 

per  day. 


.-:ers  came  out 
smash  the 
kers  who  v/ere 
contingents 
disturbances, 
tea  0,7  the 
tar.t  natives 
Job:.  i..j  t  b; 
the  trikers 


immediately  taken  to 
among  the  white  v/or 


J°sde:ra!;d  hiZ]r'r  v/aSes  «  of  six  shillings  and  six  pin,.  • 
When  thiit  demand  was  turned  down  by  the  administration  the  y/oi  • 
on  strike  on  January  16th.  Steps  were 
strike.  Scabs  were  recruited  chiefly  from 

placed  under  the  protection  of  strong  police  and  special 
Ox  ex-3ervioemen  organised  to  suppress  the  outb .-cal v0x 

All  kinds  of  false  and  misleading  rumors  were  circulo 
press,  to  the  effect  that  the  stance  had  broken  down  and 

as  well  as  white  'workers  were  only  too  glad  to  take  the 
tii o  strikers.  But  when  this  campaign  brought  no  results  (for 
stood  ivolidly  together);  the  Government  arrested  the 


Strike 


Committee,  headed  by  Gadalie 


the  leader  of  the  Union. .  All  the  comm- 
itee  numbers  were  arrested  on  the  charge  of  inciting  the  workers  to 
violence,  which  prompted  Gadalie,  alarmed  at  the  possible  consequences 
oi‘  such  a  charge,  to  call  off  the  strike.  He  urged  the  workers  to  return 
to  their  Jobs  and  to  make  collections  to  defend  the  arrested  men.  Cade  I  o 
treachery  simply  demoralised  the  strikers'  with  the  result  that  only  a 
few  men  ,  mostly  dockers,  continued  the  fight,  the  rest  returning  t 

Having  already  thrown  the  Union  of  Commercial  and  industrial  . 
Employees  into  the  arms  of  Amsterdam,  Gadalie  did  his  best  to  keep  the 
strike  within  "legal  bounds".  He  used  his  influence  to  bind  the  workers 
hand  in  foot,  and  stamped  out  all  signs  of  militancy.  All  he  did  was 
to  threaten  that  if  his  conditions  were  not  conceded,  he  would  call  a 
general  strike  and  organise  picketing.  Bat  he  did  neither  the  one ,  nor 


“O 

the  other.  As  a  matter  of  fact, 
them  to  go  about  their  business 
against  any  one.  He  appealed  to. 
ment  demanding  that  the  Governor 
creating  the  impression  that  the 
was  an  impartial  Judge,  standing 


in  his  messages  to  the  strikers  he  told 
peacefully  and  not  resort  to  violence 
the  bourgeois  authorities  and  to  Parlia- 
General  of  South  Africa  intervene  ,  ‘•hits 
representative  of  British  imperial  km 
above  the  classes  whom  the  workers  could 


safely  trust  with  their  interests. 

But  the  bourgeoisie  gave  the  workers  a  taste  of  the  class  •  • 
struggle.  They  simply,  derided  all  Gadalie1  s  appellations  and  Judicial 
niceties,  they  mobilised  the  police  and  the  ex-servicemen  and  recrui¬ 
ted  a  sufficient  number  of  scabs.  In  fact,  the  Government  did  not  even 
deign  to  reply  to  Cadalie  ,  haughtily  announcing  unofficially  that  the 
r  tides  of  the  lav/  c.ited  by  Cadalie  apply  only  to  the  whites  ana  net 
to  the  natives.  Knowing  full  well  that  Gadalie  would  never  put  his 
threat  into  effect,  the  authorities  decided  to  attack.  The  vhde  Strike 
Committee  was  promptly  arrested-  They  succeeded  in  getting  Gadalie  , 
immediately  after  his  arrest,  to  tell  the  workers  that  the  strike  was 
ended  and  that  they  would  have  to  return  to  work.  No  wonder  the  most 
class-conscious  section  of  the  workers  who  supported  Cadalie,  were  dissa¬ 
tisfied  with  the  turn  the  movem  r:t  had  taken;  They  decided  to  continue 
the  fight.  But  this  decision  proved  futile  since  the -workers  ljad  already 
been  demoralise!  by  Cadalie’s  action. 

•  .The  attitude  of  the  other  reformist  organisations  to  the  strike 
is  very  instructive.  The  South  African  Trade  Union  Congress,  the  TU 
center  of  the  white  workers  did  nothing  at  all  to  help  the  native  v/or  . 
kers.  When  Gadalie  called  the  Congress  that  white  workers  were  scabb¬ 
ing,  Andrews,  the  Secretary  of  the  Congro  s,  coolly  replied  that  he  could 
do  nothing  and  that  the  telegram  would  be  discussed  at  the  next  meeting 
of  the  Congress  Executive  Committee.  Amsterdam,  too,  turned  a  deaf  ear 
When  the  strike  started,  Cadalie  appealed  for  help  to  the  Amsterdam 
International  Secretariat  and  to  the  Internal ional  Transport -Workers"  ■ 
Federation.  No  reply  was  received  from  Amsterdam,  while  the  I.T.F,  reques¬ 
ted*  additional  information  .  But  when  the"add?Zional  information"  had 
been  furnished,  Cadalie  requesting  that  £.  ^00  be  forwarded,  he  got 
no  reply. 


As  far  as  one  can  judge  from  the  bourgeois  press  we  regret 
to  say  that  neither  the  Communist  Party  of  South  Africa,  nor  the  Non 
European  Trade  Union  Federation  showed  any  interest  in  the  strike  or 
took  any  steps  to  help  the  men.  The  fact  that  the  strikers  at  the  mee 
tings  v/ere  urging  that  it  was  time  to  "cut  the  cackle"  and  get  down 


-  5  - 

to  business,  and  that  although  the  position  was  hopeless  many  workers 
still  continued  to  strike  after  it  had  been  officially  called  off,  shows 
that  there  is  a  fine  revolutionary  spirit,  lacking  organised  expression, 
among  the  rank  and  file. 

Although  it  was  defeated  the  strike  proved  a  good  lesson  for 
the  workers.  it  unmasked  the  reformist  leadership  and  exposed  bourgeois 
legality  for  what  it  was.  It  is  a  lesson  that  the  workers  will  do  well 
to  remember  during  the  impending  struggles  in  South  Africa  with  the  de¬ 
velopment  of  the  economic  depression. 

In  South  Africa ,  the  objective  conditions  are  very  favourable 
for  the  development  of  a  strong  revolut ionary  movement.  The  new  leader¬ 
ship  of  the  class  unions  must  put  an  end  to  the  inaction- and  inertia 
which  have  been  such  a  prominent  feature  in  the  Federation  so  far;  it  is 
about  time  to  get  down  to  the  organisation  of  the  broad  masses  of  unor¬ 
ganised  workers,  giving  special  attention  to  the  basic  industries  and 
agriculture . 

- 00OO00 - 


5TRENBHTEN  WORKINECLR55  INTER - 
NRTWNRL  50LIDRR/TY l 

DEFEN J  THE  MEERUT  PRISONERS  ! 


3.y  L.  Burns  , 

On  March  RO,  a  year  transpires  since  the  thirty-two  Indian 
proletarian  revolutionaries  were  arrested  and  imprisoned  in  Meerut.  They 
have  been  charged  by  the  Anglo-Indian  authorities  with  conspiring  "to 
overthrow  the  sovereignity  of  His  Majesty  the  king  in  British  India  with 
a  vi ew  to  the  establishment  of  a  Socialist  State  unde*  the  dictatorship 
of  the  proletariat  and  the  supreme  command  of  the  Communist  International", 
These  men  are  charged  with  endeavouring  to  achieve  their  aims  by  organi¬ 
sing  a  communist  party,  V/orker-Peasants  Parties  and  Revolutionary  Trade 
Union  organisations  in  india,  with  a  view  to  embittering  relations  between 
Labour  and  Capital,  by  inciting  the  workers  to  strikes  and  by  publishing 
papers  and  using  every  other  means  of  propaganda  and  egitatlon.'  Although 
the  Meerut  Prisoners  were  arrested  a  year  ago,  thoir  case  has  only  recen¬ 
tly  been  submitted  to  the  Hight  Court  where  it  is  now  being  heard  without 
jurors,  despite  the  continued  protests  of  labour  organisations  in  every 
part  of  the  world.  A  lot  of  "cooked  up"  evidence  is  being  used  at  the 
trial.  About  400  witnesses,  somo  coming  even  from  Europe,  have  been  called: 
among  them  are  many  provocateurs  and  spies. 

It  would  be  hard  to  overestimate  the  significance  of  the  Meerut 
trial.  Like  a  mirror  it  reflects  the  whole  political  situation  in  India 
today:  the  intensification  of  the  class  struggle,  the  advance  of  communist 
ideas,  the  progress  of  the  revolutionary  laoor  movement,  the  growing  role 
of  the  working  class  in  the  national  liberation  movement,  the  reactionary 
policy  of  MacDonald’s  Imperialist  Government,  the  treachery  of  the  native 
bourgeoisie,  the  united  front  between  the  workers  of  Great  Britain  and 
India  and  many  other  developments. 

The  Meerut  trial  was  "framed  up"  by  the  British  authorities 
to  stem  the  remarcable  development  of  the  labour  movement  which  started 
in  India  in  19R7. 

Ever  since  that  year  the  whole  of  India  has  beer,  swept  again 
end  again  by  mass  strikes.  During  this  struggle  the  -‘-■eft  Revolut  it;  nr  ry 
wing  became  crystallised  for  the  working  class  trusted  it  with  the  leader¬ 
ship  of  the  struggle  and  it  qui^ckly  extended  its  influence  among  the 


~  G  - 


*  * 


working  masses.  Powerful  revolutionary  trade  unions  were  came  into  ,  exis¬ 
tence.  The  working  class  was  beginning  to  take  active  part  in  political 
life,  demanding  not  only  complete  independence  f or  Indja_^  but__the_  establipji 
ment  of  a  Soviet  Republic.  The  revolutionary  liberation  movement,  directly 
it  was  headed  by  the  workers,  began  to  develop  rapidly  and  became  more 
keen.  Brutally  exploited  by  imperialism  and  feudal  landowners,  the  i-ndian 
peasantry  slowly  began  to  raise  their  heads. 

Alarmed  at  the  growing  threat  of  revolution,  the  British  impe¬ 
rialist  mobilised  all. their  forces  to  crush  the  revolutionary  workers' 
movement.  Their  aim  was  to  smash  it  before  help  could  arive  from  the 
great  reserves  of  tjle  Indian  peasantry';  Their  first  move  was  therefore  to 
"rohnd  up"  the  finest  leaders  of  the  workers  and  in  this  fashion  behead 
the  movement. 

Among  the  arrested  men — who  belong  for  the  most  pert  to  the 

Comunist  Party  or  the  Workei  -Peasant  Parties - there  are  such  popular 

figures  ac  Danae  ,  one  of  tie  leaders  of  the  Revolutionary  Union  of  t;ie 
Bombay  Textile  Workers ,  the  leaders  of  several  revolutionary  Bomuay  unions, 
including  the  Girni  Kamgar  Union  and  the  great  India  Peninsula  Railway- 
men’s  Union.  Jo^lekar,  Nimbkar  and  Kiradjkar,  as  well  Kuzaffar  Ahmed  ,  the 
Chairman  of  the  Worker  Peasant  Patty  of  Bengal ,  Thengdi ,  Executive  Committee 
Member  of  the  Trade  Union  Congress,  and  many  others.  Besides  the  Indian 
Comrades  charged  in  i-eerpt,  tuere  are  several  representatives  of  the  revo 
lutlonsry  wing  of  tue  British  Trade  Union  Movement  - — BradUgy  ,  Spratt  ;  ad 
Hutchinson,  who  are  also  accused  of  conspiring  "to  overthrow  the  soverei¬ 
gnty  of  the  King  Imp  ror  in  British  India",  This  is  a  clear  example  of 
tne  growing  ties  of  solidarity  springing  up  between  the  workers  in  the  im¬ 
perialist  countries  and  t  e  oppressed  colonies  who  are  joining  forces  to¬ 
day  to  smash  imperialism  and  capital,  their  common  enemy. 

All  the  men  arrested  on  the  Meerut  charges  were  "round  up"  at 
the  same  time,  with  the  exception  of  comra  ;e  Hutchinson,  who  was  arrested 
later.  On  the  night  of  March  ^0,  when  the  arrests  and  searches  v/ere  made 
in  Bombay,  Calcutta  and  the  other  towns,  troups  were  moved  into  the  facto¬ 
ry  districts  for  the  authorities  feared  possiole  "disturbances".  Searches 
were  made  everywhere,  the  comrades  who  had  to  be  arrested  being  hunted 
dov/n  like  beasts. 

The  Meerut  trial  which  began  when  Baldwins'  Conservative 
Government  was  yet  in  power,  is  still  continuing  altough  there  is  a  "labour' 
Government,  with  MacDonald  at  its  head,  in  office  to-day.  Two  other  comra¬ 
des  were  arrested  in  connection',  with  the  Meerut  Trial.  The  authorities  f 
bluntly  refused  to  have  the  case  tried  by  jury.  The  prisoners  were  put  on 
a  far  severer  regime  than  previously,  while  comrade  Campbell,  the  represen¬ 
tative  of  the  Comunist  Party  of  Great  Britain,  who  intended  to  be  present 
at  the  trial  as  the  political  adviser  of  the  arrested  men,  was  refused  a 
passport  to  India. 

The  Indian  nationalist  bourgeoisie  who  fear  the  revolutionary- 
working  class  movement  far  more  than  imperialism,  completely  support  all 
the  terrorist  measures  instituted  by  the  Anglo-Indian  Government  and 
welcome  the  present  Meerut  trial.  As  a  matter  of  .fact,  it  is  the  xndlan 
bourgeoisie  who  are  increasingly  urging  repressions  against  the  labor 
movement. 

Indeed  .the  responsibility  for  the  Meerut 'trial  must  be  laid ^ 
wholly  at  the  door  of  the  reformists-  invthe  Labour  Movement'.’-  Together  with 
fche1  -imperialist s  ahd  Indian  bourgeoisie  they  have  been  shouted  from  the 
house-tops  that  the  danger  of  communism  was  threatening  India.  That  Moscow 
was  getting  control  of  the  TU  Movement ,  that  insurgent  elements  in  the  coun¬ 
try  were  receiving  "Moscow  Gold"  etc.  With  their  continued  lies  and  misrepre¬ 
sentation  the  reformist  prepared  the  ground  for  the  terroristic  measures 
iaken  by  the  Government. 

Having  arrested  all  the  leaders  of  the  new  Left  Wing  unions  in 
accordance  with  a  carefully  laid  plan,  the  Government  had  hoped  to  disrupt 
the  whole  movement  and  leave  the  masses  without  a  leadership  when  the  strugg¬ 
le  was  at  its  height.  But  all  these  careful  plans  fell  through  for  the 


-  7 


working  class  of  India  has  reached  a  stage  of  development  today  when 
the  arrest  of  a  few  individual  leaders  cannot  stay  the  development  of 
the  movement  as  a  whole.  A  wage  of  protest  trikes,  mass  demonstrations 
and  meetings  swept  the  country.  This  was  the  workers'  reply  to  the 
Meerut  "frame  up".  New  leaders  from  the  rani  and  file,  steeled  in  tne 
struggle,  came  forward  to  take  the  place  of  the  arrested  leaders.  Under 
their  leadership  the  working  class  came  out  more  determinedly  and  ener 
getically  against  imperialism  and  "their  own"  bourgeoisie,  and  are  con- 
tinuinr  the  -Pight  at  the  present  time.  This  is  amply  borne  out  by  the  oig 
strikes  of  iy29-30,  whose* political  significance  could  not  e  well  over¬ 
estimated.  Indeed,  they  show  that  the  working  class  struggle  has  been 
raised  to  a  higher  plane  at  the  present  time  (witness  the  -^ive 
General  Strike  of  the  100.000  Bombay  textile  workers  in  1929,  the  Gene¬ 
ral  Strike  of  240,000  Calcutta  jute  workers,  the  present  General  Btri 
on  the  Great  Indian  Peninsula  Railway  and  also  the  recent  mass  politic 
movements  of  the  working  class,  the  First  of  May  demonstrations,  the 
Lenin  Memorial  gatherings  and  the  demonstrations  on  Independence  Day, 

January  26,  last  ,  etc.).  Tv,,,e 

Despite  the  extremely  adverse  conditions  tne  working  class  of  India 
are  putting  up  a  heroic  fight.  It  is  the  duty  of  the  international  labor 
movement  to  support  the  workers  of  India  in  every  way. 

Now  that  twelve  months  have  passed  and  the  Meerut  prisoners  are 
still  detained,  it  is  the  revolutionary  duty  of  the  whole  international 
proletariat  to  start  a  broad  campaign  of  protest  against  the  Meerut  trial 
against  the  interested  parties  who  are  engineering  this  frame  up---Bntlsii 
Imperialism  and,  in  particular,  the  British  Labour  Party  ,  in  ofuce  to- 

This  campaign  should  not  be  confined  as  hitherto,  only  to  xndia  and 
Great  Britain,  or  be  taken  up  in  fits  and  starts  as  the  months  go  by. 

This  campaign  must  be  pushed  forward  by  all  the  workers  in  every  part 
of  the  world.  It  must  be  continued  until  the  Meerut  prisoners  are  relea¬ 
sed  from  the  clutches  of  imperialism. 


— ooOOoo - 


Ufa  JHLULeclwiu&tM  UUul 

Aaaiiut  the  xjmfwiicilijst  iUaa 

0  RELIGION  UNDER  THIS  SOVIETS. 


The  attitude  of  the  Soviet  Government  to  religion  is  embodied  in 
the  Soviet  Constitution  formally  adopted  on  10th  July,  1918.  The  parti¬ 
cular  passages  in  the  constitution  relating  to  religion  are  as  £ ollows 
"To  ensure  for  the  workers  genuine  liberty  of  conscience,  the 
Church  is  separated  from  the  State  and  the  school  f?ora  the  Church, 

;.'v  and  freedom  of  religion  and  anti-religious  propaganda  is  assured  to 
every  citizen".  (Chapter  v.  ,  section  KxII). 

"The  Russian  Socialist  Federal  Soviet  Republic  grants  the  right 
of  asylum  to  all  foreigners  persecuted  for  political  and  religious 
offences".  (Chapter  v.  ,  section  ihil.  ) 

How  are  the  provisions  of  this  constitution  carried  into  effect? 
First,  the  State  Printing  Works  are  quite  impartial  as  to  the  religious 
and  anti-religious  material  that  they  print.  Large  quantities  of  both 
the  Bible  and  the  Koran  are  turned  out  by  the  State  Printing  Works.  The 


-  8  - 

same  establishment  produces  five  anti-religious  periodicals  and  seven 
religious  periodicals. 

Russia  is  notorious  for  its  enormous  number  of  churches.  Many  of 
them  have  been  little  used;  and  as  more  people  turn  from  religion  end  the 
priest  find  their  supporters  fewer  and  fewer,  individual  churches  fall 
into  disuse.  What  is  to  happen  them?  Are  these  buildings  to  be  left  to 
ruin  and  decay?  I\To.  They  are  turned  into*culture  houses,  or,  if  they 
contain  beautiful  things  ,  into  museums. 

No  church  may  be  closed  for  religious  purposes  unless  90  per  cent, 
of  the  people  in  the  vicinity  declare  their  willingness  for  it  to  be 
closed.  And  no  church  has  been  closed  by  the,  authorities  except  on  this 
condition.  This  condition  also  applies  to  church  which  seriously  impede 
traffic  and  require  to  be  demolished  .(In  this  connection  it  will  be  well 
to  remember  that  a  proposal  has  just  been  made  in  London  for  the  demo.7  ' 
tion  of  one  of  the  two  churches  in  the  Strand  for  the  same  purpose ,  wh 
most  readers  will  know  of  former  churches  that  are  now  used  for  commercial 
purposes) . 

The  V/orkers'  Government  forbids  the  teaching  of  religion  in  schools 
or  to  children  under  18  at  home.  The  reason  for  the  first  is  perfectly 
simple.  If  religious  instruction  is  given  ,  then  so  must  anti-religious 
instruction.  Such  a  situation  is  manifestly  absurd. 

In  a  similar  way  it  is  absurd  to  teach  children  natural  science  at 
school  and  then  allow  them  to  be  taught  contrary  doctrines  about  Adam  and 
Sve  at  home.  It  is  equally  absurd  to  explain  natural  phenomena  (rainbovs, 
thunder,  etc.)  on  a  scientific  basis  and  allow  children  to  be  confused 
by  super sit ious" explanations"  elsewhere.  It  is  desastrous  to  try  and  mould 
children  at  school  into  self —reliant , active  and  reasoning  citizens,  and 
at  home  to  try  and  inculcate  a  philosophy  of  "God's  will"  with  its  atten¬ 
dant  train  of  abasement,  apathy,  and  blind  acceptance. 

These  are  sufficient  reasons  without  taking  into  account  the  terr- 
iole  record  of  organised  religion  as  an  ally  and  servant  of  oppression  in 
the  reign  of  capitalism. 

Persons  over  the  age  of  16  may  receive  religious  instruction,  and 
may  follow  any  religion  they  choose  without  let  or  hindrance.  In  Tsarist 

days  only  one  religion - that  of  the  Orthodox  Church— r-v/as  recognised, 

~d  other  religions  suffered  in  many  cases  from  severe  persecution. 

If  at  the  present  time  more  and  more  churches  are  being  closed,  it 
is  not  because  of  increasing  persecution,  but  because  more  and  more  people 
are  turning  from  religion  to  the  new  work  of  socialist  contruction  and 
.‘c  new  philosophy  of  Communism  in  its  real  sense. 

- ooOOoo - 

[Mu-  JhurUifr  JmM  of  th&  Mftnld, 

OctvS&i-  ®Uu  Bulioum-ub  o4s 
S&mdlMTL  In  the  *USSR  ! 

the  Ifii’V  LIFE  OF  A  MONGOLIAN  NATIONAL  MINORITY. 

L ,  u_ , ’  x 

Elista  is  the  new  Kalmuck  city  of  the  Mongolian  steppes,  it  is  a 
typical  illustration  of  the  world  humanity  gains  when  it  throws  off  the 
yoke  of  king  and  priest  and  profiteer,  before  the  Bolshevik  Revolution 
'he  Kalmucks,  a  Mongolian  tribe  of  nomads  and  cattle  dealers,  were  one  of 
che  most  oppressed  and  backward  people  of  South-East  Russia.  Now  these  an¬ 
cient  nomads  under  tne  freedom  and  guidance  of  their  Communist  leaders, 
have  peopled  cities  and  spread  a  network  of  schools  over  their  native 
steppes.  Where  Elista  is  now  being  erected  a  lonely  desert  stood  yesterday. 
At  present,  fine  state  buildings,  schools,  universities,  hospitals,  tele-" 


9 


.graph  and  post  offices  are  being  built.  The*  represent  the  cradle  of  the 
future  Socialist  culture- —  Kalmuck  art,  science,  work  and  the  Joy  of 
life. 

Elista  is  315  kilometres  from  Astrachan,  and  300  from  Ski ingrad 
whore  the  biggest  tractor  factory  in  the  world  is  well  on  the  way  of 
completion.  In  a  few  years  Elista  will  be  connected  with  the  whole  net¬ 
work  of  Soviet-built  railroads— one  of  the  gigantic'  transport  tasks  under¬ 
taken  by  the  Communist  architects  of  the  new  Soviet  system  which  has  al¬ 
ready  changed  parts  of  Russia  out  of  recognition. 

A  new  culture  and  a  new  economic  life  is  being  created  by  the 
Kalmucks  as  the  walls  of  El'ista  rise.  The  age-long  backwardness  and  dark¬ 
ness  is  oroken ,  dissipated  by  the  glowing  ideas  of  the  devolution  which 
the  bright  young  generation  carry  through.  Elista,  more  than  many  places, 
symbolises  the  liberty  and  national  self-determination  which  the  Communist 
Revolution  brought  to  all  the  Russias.  it  is  the  awaxening  oi  the  great 
steppes  from  the  sleep  of  centuries,  and  proves  tne  genius  gen in  s 
argument  that: "The  backward  people  of  the  hast  will  pass  by  the  capitalis¬ 
tic  stage  of  development  and  arrive  at  Communism", 

- ooOGoo - 


REVIEW. 


"THw  FUTURE  OF  THE  NEGRO"  -  By  Sir  Gordon  Gu^gisberg,  K.C.I.I.  G.  and  A.G. 

Fraser,  1.1.  A. 

The  colonial  question  in  general  and  the  Negro  problem  in  particu¬ 
lar  is  receiving  more  and  more  attention  on  the  part  of  various  bourgeois 
writers.  The  bourgeois  idecLogues  feel  that  imperialist  domination,  is 
seriously  threatened  by  the  growing  national  revolutionary  emancipatory 
movement  or  the  oppressed  peoples  and  that  the  victory  of  this  movement 
even  in  some  small  part  of  t  le  world  would  be  cats strophical  in  its  con 
sequences  for  the  continued  existence  of  the  capital  system.  Careful  o  ^si¬ 
de  ration  is  therefore  being  given  how  to  avert  the  crisis  and  stay  the 
development  of  a  dangerous  movement.  Somehold  that  repressive  measures 
must  be  increased  and  no  compromises  allowed  .Others,  consider  that  con¬ 
cessions  must  be  made  to  the  upper  strata  of  the  native  population,  winning 
their  support  for  capitalism  and  in  this  way  secure  the  possibility  of 
continuing  their  exploitation  of  the  broad  masses  of  the  toilers.  The 
present  book  under  review  is  an  attempt  to  give  a  solution  of  the  Negro 
problem  in  the  British  African  possessions  from  a  liberal  point  of  view, 
the  author  holding  that  England  must  in  future  win  the  support  of  the 
native  oe tty-bourgeoisie . 

Beingo prominent  official  in  the  British  Colonial  Ministry,  one  time 
Governor  of  the  Gold  Coast  and  also  of  British  Guinea(he  has  now  resigned 
owing  to  ill-health)  ffnggisberg  holds  that  the  time  is  past  when  the 
colonies  can  be  hold  by  sheer  force. 

"Governments  of  to-day  arc  not  blind;  they  can  be  trusted  to  see 
that  the  past  has  shown  that  neglect  of  the  people  ultimately  leads 
both  to  political  troubles  and  to  failure  in  what  is  called  econo¬ 
mic  enterprise". 

He  therefore  considers  that  the  only  way  out  is  to  educate  the 
backward  African  peoples  in  a  spirit  that  would  not  only  keep  them  from 
trying  to  fight  the  domination  of  the  European,  but  would  include  them 
in  the  capitalist  system  making  them  part  of  it.  According  to  Guggisberg 
this  can  be  achieved  by  introducing  a  good  educational  system  for  the 

Negroes -  a  system,  however,  that  mur+  be  differentiated.  Those  Negroes 

who  are  to  become  leaders  and  exponents  .of  imperialist  policy  will  have  to 
be  given  an  university  education:  the  others  a  secondary  education,  while 
primary  schools  must  be  opened  for  the  broad  sections  of  the  population 
where  they  will  be  taught  to  look  up.. to  and  respect  their  leaders 


The  schools  must  take  into  consideration  all  the  special  features 
of  any  given  tribe,  its  backwardness  and  its  traditions.  The  most  serious 
mistake  made  by  the  imperialists  so  far  Guggisberg . considers  to  be  the 
forcible  destruction  of  the  peculiar  social  structure  of  the  tribes.  The 
Negroes  must  be  left  to  change  their  social  customs  themselves. 

The  teaching  should  be  of  a  practical  character  ,  giving  the  Negro 
a  better  understanding  of  modern  cult ivetion  methods  and  the  growth  of 
tropical  plants  essential  for  the  industries  of  the  chief  capitalist 
countries.  In  this  way  Guggisberg  believes  a  native  intelligentsia  and 
potty-bourgeoisie  will  be  formed  who  will  be  the  best  guarantee  against 
the  rising  storm  of  revolution  and  preserve  the  supremacy  of  the  imperia¬ 
lists  who  will  be  able  to  continue  (very  profitably  )  to  "bear  the  white 
man's  burden"  of  tutelage  of  the  backward  .peoples, 

Guggisberg  points  to  the  USAaau.  proof  that  his  method  is  effective 
He  considers  that  in  the  USA  the  Negro  problem  is  well  on  the  road  of 
complete  solution  thanks  to  the  excellent  education  system  in  force  in  this 
country.  Considering  that  the  example  set  by  America  is  worthy  of  imita¬ 
tion,  Guggisberg,  during  the  first  part  of  his  book  describes  the  position 
of  the  American  Negro  whom  he  had  an  opportunity  of  studying  in  the  Au¬ 
tumn  of  19h7  at  the  invitation  of  the  Directors  of  the  Phelps-Stokes  Fund. 

But  it  is  precisely  the  present  position  of  the  American  Nee,ro  which 
shows  that  Guggisberg' s  method  will  avail  the  imperialists  nothing,  that 
neither  schools  nor  religious  education,  will  mitigate  in  any  way  the  bru¬ 
tal  exploitation  of  the  Negro  toilers  who  despite  their  educated  leaders 
(upon  whose  help  Guggisberg  reckons),  will  continue  to  fight  imperialism 
until  it  is  completely  overthrown.  Now  what  has  Guggisberg  found  in  America 
that  buoys  him  up  so  much  in  his  optimism?  What  struck  him  most  favorably 
was  the  fact  that  you  had  quite  a  big  petty-bourgeois  section,  among  the 
Negroes,  He  relates  that  the  Negroes  already  own  accumulated  wealth  to 

the  tune  of  £  400,000,000 - a  sum  that  will  continue  to  increase,  and  as 

money  is  the  derisive  factor,  in  this  as  in  everything,  there  is  no  rea¬ 
son,  he  argues,  why  the  accumulation  of  such  wealth  should  not  go  a  long 
way  to  solve  the  racial  problem.  True,  the  Negroes,  even  the  richest  and 
most  educated  of  then?,  should  know  their  place  and  not  try  to  achieve  socla.1 
equality,  but  only  political  equality. 

But  this  is  what  the  moderate  Negro  leaders  desire  themselves , we  are 
told,  and  Guggisberg  is  convinced  that  the  mass  of  the  Negro  toilers  will 
surely  give  their  support  to  these  leaders.-  And  so,  Guggisberg  puts  all  his 
hopes  on  the  petty  bourgeoisie  in  the  belief  that  they  will  give  vocal 
expression  to  the  desires  and  aspirations  of  the  Negro  masses.  The  conclu¬ 
sion  he  draws,  therefore,  is  that  similar  petty-bourgeois  circles  must  be 
created  in  Africa  and  then  the  development  w ill  follow  the  American  example. 

But,  drawing  his  conclusions  from  USA  experience,  Guggisberg  over¬ 
looked  one  small  matter.  He  failed  to  notice  that  it  was  the  Negro  workers 
and  the  mass  of  the  Negro  peasantry  ( increasingly  being  proletarianised) 
who  will  play  the  decisive  role  in  solving  the  Negro  problem  in  the  USA. 
Eighty  per  cent  of  the  Negro  farmers  in  the  United  States  are  not  free¬ 
holders  but  tenant-farmers,  bound  down  like  serfs  to  the  land  belonging 
to  the  white  plantation  owners.  The  industrial  proletaria  t  is  increasingly 
growing  among  the  Negroes  with  each  passing  day.  More  and  more  of  these 
workers  are  being  drawn  into  the  revolutionary  TU  movement  and  the  slogan 
being  put  forward  by  the  Iiegro  toilers  in  the  USA  today  is  the  revolutiona¬ 
ry  demand  of  the  right  of  national  self-determination  and  not  pe  tty -bour¬ 
geois  equality  with  the  preservation  of  social  inequality  and  national 
oppression. 

In  Africa,  too,  we  have  the  remarkable  development  and  consolidation 
of  the  revolutionary  movement.  Recent  reports  show  that  revolutionary  mo- . 
rements  have  broken  out  in  many  different  parts  of  Africa,  The  future  of 
the  Negro  does  not  lie  in  the  petty  bourgeois  heaven  of  meekness  and  dool 
lity  but  in  revolutionary  struggle  together  with  all  the  workers  and  all 
the  oppressed  peoples  the  world  over  to  root  out  once  and  for  all  the 
system  of  capitalist  exploitation^-JChis  future  holds  out  for  the  Negroes 
the  real  possibility  of  getting  an  educati on  worthwhile ,  an  education 


-  11 


that  will  train  the  builders  of  a  New  order  of  Society,  who  will  no  Ion  . 
ger  be  slaves,  regarded  as  being  there  simply  to  carry  out  the  ordors  or 
their  whites  'masters'."" 

i  ■  . 

•  Ch  S  1  a  v.  i  n. 

- 00OO00 - 


FROM  THE  REVOLUTIONARY  FRONT  OF  OPPRESSED  TOILERS, 

The  revolts  against  the  oppression  by  French  imperialism  of  the  na¬ 
tive  toilers  in  French  Central  Congo,  has  had  its  repercussions  in  the 
Belgian  Congo.  In -Leopoldville  ,  the  Capital  of  the  Belgian  Congo,  45  nati¬ 
ves  were  arrested  and  charged  with  spreading  revolutionary  agitation, 

O  O 

O  .  s, 

In  the  province  of  Luzon  (Filippino  islands) ,  30,000  peasant  te¬ 
nants  declared  a  boycott  against  the  purchase  of  industrial  products  from 
industries  owned  by  the  landowners.  This  is  a  protest  against  the  recent 
increase  of  land-rent.  The  boycott  includes  non-support  of  the  Catholic 
Church,  because  the  leaders  of  this  Church  are  very  large  landowners  and 
have  raised  the  rent  on  land.  The  government  has  forbidden  all  peasant 
meetings  and  demonstrations.  The  Catholic  Bishop  has  called  in  armed  for¬ 
ces,  against  the  so-called  "Aied  Danger"  and  for  the  protection  of  the 
interests  of  the  landowning  church. 

O  O 

o 

Calcutta  :  Demonstration  of  10,0UC  native  toilers  in  spite  of 

- - -  police  terror.  The  demonstration  was  in  connection 

with  "National  independence  week"  which  ended  on  April  13th.  Many  arres¬ 
ted  made. 

O  O 

O  . :  '  .  . 

Birmingham  ,  Alabama  (USA)  -  Negro  workers  adopted  a  resolu- 

- - - - — —  tion  denoucing  police  brutalities  against  white  and 

Negro  workers  in  the  March  6th;  a. .employment  demonstration.  Meeting  v/as 
held  under  auspices  of  the  Trade  Union  Unity  League, 


— p-ooOOoo- - 


N°  941, 


Tr . 350 


Collection  Number:  AD1715 


SOUTH  AFRICAN  INSTITUTE  OF  RACE  RELATIONS  (SAIRR),  1892-1974 
PUBLISHER: 

Collection  Funder:-  Atlantic  Philanthropies  Foundation 
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Location:-  Johannesburg 
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